The Sugar Land 95* – SLAVERY BY ANOTHER NAME.

Imperial State Prison Farm (later the Central Unit) was a notorious Texas penitentiary in Sugar Land, operated from 1909 to 2011. Known for its brutal convict-leasing system, the site made national headlines in 2018 when the remains of 95 forced laborers (“the Sugar Land 95”) were discovered buried in unmarked graves. 

History & Legacy

  • The Convict-Leasing Era: The state acquired 5,000 acres of the former Imperial Sugar Plantation. Inmates—predominantly Black men affected by Jim Crow laws—were forced to clear land, lay rail, and harvest sugarcane in grueling conditions.
  • Prison Hub: Renamed the Central State Prison Farm in 1930, it became the hub of the Texas prison system, housing row crops, cattle, and a processing cannery.
  • Closure: As suburban development encroached on the property, the facility was closed in 2011, marking the first voluntary prison shutdown in Texas history.
  • The Sugar Land 95: In 2018, construction crews breaking ground for a Fort Bend Independent School District school accidentally exhumed 95 bodies. These were African American men who died during the brutal early 20th-century convict leasing period. 

 

 

 

The History of the ‘Convict-Leasing Loop-Hole’

The history of the convict-leasing loophole stems from a single specific clause in the 13th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. While the amendment formally abolished slavery in 1865, it included an exception: “except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted”
Southern states and private corporations exploited this legal loophole for decades to create a multi-million-dollar forced labor industry, effectively preserving slavery by another name. 
1. Codifying the Loophole (1865)
During the drafting of the 13th Amendment, lawmakers included the “punishment clause” to allow traditional prison labor. However, following the collapse of the Confederacy, Southern states faced two major crises: a complete devastation of their economies and a sudden shortage of free agricultural labor. White lawmakers realized the exception clause could be weaponized to legally force newly freed African Americans back into involuntary servitude.
2. Inventing “Black Codes” to Fill Prisons 
To generate a massive supply of prison laborers, Southern states passed highly discriminatory laws known as Black Codes.
  • Vagrancy Laws: It became a crime for a Black person to be unemployed or unable to prove employment at any given moment.
  • Petty Crimes: Trivial actions—like walking on grass, stealing food, or speaking loudly—were upgraded to felonies.
  • Debt Traps: Individuals declared innocent in court were still jailed and leased out if they could not pay their arbitrary court fees.

 

These targeted laws weaponized the justice system. For example, in Alabama, the prison population went from 99% white in 1850 to 85% Black by the 1880s. 
3. Monetizing Human Lives
Under the convict-leasing system, state and county governments completely bypassed the cost of building prisons. Instead, they “leased” incarcerated people directly to private planters, coal mines, railroad companies, and lumber yards.
  • State Revenue: The leasing fees generated massive profits. By 1912, convict leasing accounted for roughly one-third of Alabama’s total state revenue.
  • Corporate Windfalls: Major industrial giants, including U.S. Steel Corp., built massive corporate wealth using unpaid, forced prison labor.
4. Brutality Worse Than Chattel Slavery 
Historians note that convict leasing was, in many ways, more lethal than traditional chattel slavery. Under antebellum slavery, enslavers viewed enslaved people as financial investments and had a capital incentive to keep them alive.
Under convict leasing, laborers were acquired at a nominal cost from the state. If a prisoner died from exhaustion, starvation, or violence, the private company could simply request a cheap replacement from the local sheriff. Brutal lashings, industrial accidents, and disease outbreaks caused annual mortality rates to reach as high as 10% in several states.
[13th Amendment Loophole Passed] 
              │
              ▼
[Black Codes Enacted] ──► (Mass Arrests of Black Citizens)
              │
              ▼
[State Leases Prisoners] ──► (Private Mining, Railroads, & Plantations)
              │
              ▼
[Massive State & Corporate Profit] + (Extremely High Laborer Mortality)
5. Abolition and the Modern Legacy
Public outrage gradually mounted in the early 20th century, catalyzed by corporate disasters like the 1911 Banner Mine explosion in Alabama, which killed 125 Black prison laborers. Under immense political and humanitarian pressure, Southern states slowly phased out the practice. Alabama became the last state to officially ban convict leasing in 1928.
However, because the exception clause was never removed from the U.S. Constitution, prison labor continues to be a multi-billion-dollar industry. To this day, states like Texas, Florida, and Georgia do not pay incarcerated individuals any wages for standard institutional work assignments. 

 

 

 

Notable corporations historically linked to the practice.

During the peak of the convict-leasing era (roughly 1866 to 1928), major American industrial empires and private conglomerates relied heavily on leased prison labor to build their fortunes. 
Industrial Giants and Conglomerates
  • U.S. Steel Corp.: In 1907, the world’s first billion-dollar corporation acquired the Tennessee Coal, Iron & Railroad Company (TCI). For at least five years under U.S. Steel’s ownership, the industrial giant continued to force hundreds of leased, predominantly Black prisoners to mine coal under deadly, brutal conditions in Alabama.
  • Tennessee Coal, Iron & Railroad Company (TCI): Before its acquisition by U.S. Steel, TCI was one of the original 12 companies listed on the Dow Jones Industrial Index. It operated notorious prison labor camps, such as the Lone Rock Stockade in Tennessee, before shifting operations to Alabama. TCI extracted massive wealth through the system, often paying states for labor while keeping prisoner maintenance costs near zero.
  • Sloss-Sheffield Steel & Iron Company: A massive industrial fixture in Birmingham, Alabama, this company relied intensely on county and state convict laborers to dig coal and iron ore. Sloss-Sheffield continued working county prisoners at its mines until the practice was legally halted in Alabama in 1928.
Regional Industrial Corporations 
  • Chattahoochee Brick Company: Founded in Georgia in 1885, this business became one of the most notorious and punitive employers of convict labor in the American South. Under former Atlanta Mayor James W. English, the company forced thousands of Black Georgians into “industrial slavery” to mass-produce bricks. The grueling heat and heavy labor resulted in extraordinarily high worker mortality rates.
  • Pratt Agricultural & Mechanical Company / McHatton, Pratt, & Ward: In 1844, Kentucky privatized its state penitentiary management by leasing operations out to this group. The corporation put inmates to work from dawn until dusk in a textile factory to maximize “the dollars and cents of human misery,” implementing routine whippings and beatings for anyone who fell behind production quotas.
  • Ball Hutchinson Company: Based in Galveston, archival state contracts from the 1890s reveal this company directly leased Black inmates from Texas state penitentiaries. The company paid a premium rate to the state for this forced agricultural labor because they could enforce higher daily productivity on their work farms than could be expected from free laborers.
Infrastructure and Rail Networks
  • The Richmond and Danville Railroad: Following emancipation, numerous rail networks across Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia saved millions of dollars in construction overhead by leasing prison gangs to clear mountainsides and lay heavy iron tracks.
  • The Greenwood and Spartanburg Railroad: Like many post-war Southern rail lines, this company frequently signed exclusive state contracts to secure predictable, cheap labor forces that had no legal right to strike, complain, or quit.

Connecting History to the Present


While the historic convict-leasing corporations listed above eventually phased out the practice by 1928, the underlying 13th Amendment legal loophole remains unchanged. An investigative report by The Associated Press exposed that over 500 modern corporations—including major supply chains, agricultural processors, and fast-food franchises—still utilize cheap, state-garnished prison labor programs today. 

The most important names associated with the Sugar Land 95 span the victims themselves, the plantation owners who profited from them, and the advocates who fought to tell their stories: 

The Victims (Laborers)
While DNA and genealogical testing by the [Principal Research Group](https:// sl95.org/) continue, historical records have helped uncover the identities of several men buried at the Bullhead Convict Labor Camp Cemetery:
  • John Chambers: He was the first individual positively identified via advanced research. Born in 1854, he was convicted of mule theft, sentenced to 7 years, and died at the camp in 1881.
  • Nathan Pope: An 18-year-old youth who was killed during an escape attempt just two days into his stay.
  • Aaron Dabby: An 18-year-old serving a 7-year theft sentence who died from a heart clot.
  • Bill Odam: A 27-year-old laborer who died of pneumonia after enduring repeated lashings.
  • Garrison Stroud: A 27-year-old man who lost his life after being caught in the camp’s heavy industrial machinery.
The Plantation Operators 
These individuals built massive financial empires by using state-sanctioned forced convict labor through the 13th Amendment loophole:
  • Edward H. Cunningham: A wealthy landowner who operated a 12,500-acre sugar plantation. He partnered with Ellis to lease hundreds of prisoners from the state to provide low-cost labor. [1]
  • Littleberry A. Ellis: Cunningham’s business partner and owner of the 5,300-acre Sartartia Plantation. He established the Bullhead Convict Labor Camp, where the Sugar Land 95 were forced to work.
Advocates and Activists 
These figures are central to the preservation, discovery, and public awareness of the burial site:
  • Reginald Moore: A former Texas correctional officer turned community activist. He spent decades warning local officials that convict labor graves were hidden throughout the area. He passed away in 2020 but is widely credited as the primary prophet and voice for the Sugar Land 95.
  • Marilyn Moore: Reginald Moore’s widow, who carries on his legacy by supporting local history museum exhibits and educational curriculum updates.
  • Chassidy Olainu-Alade: The Fort Bend ISD Coordinator of Social Studies who worked closely on the Sugar Land 95 Exhibit Guide and integrating convict-leasing history into student education.
  • Brittney Martin & Naomi Reed: Journalists and researchers who created the critically acclaimed “Sugar Land” investigative podcast series, which widely publicized the political battles over the gravesites and actively searched for surviving descendants.
  • Catrina Banks Whitley & Reign Clark: Leading archaeologists and researchers with the Principal Research Group who authored the comprehensive forensic report analyzing the remains and injuries of the deceased.